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Retrieving a stolen election



Some of those that repeatedly accuse the Nigerian judiciary, especially the Election Petitions Tribunals, the High Courts, the Federal High Court, the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court of mandate usurpation and truncating the genuine wish of the people expressed in their votes know that they are not telling the Nigerian people the whole truth.

Some of those that accuse the courts and the tribunals of undemocratic imposition of candidates and the retention of mandate fraudsters are aware that it is disingenuous to accuse the Nigerian judiciary of unbridled interference in the process of electing various categories of public officers when they know that courts and tribunals do not lightly interfere with the voting preferences of the people unless it is glaring that what some people call an election is a fraud. I am saying that the purveyors of mandate usurpation narrative are not telling the whole story because, some of them see an election and the electoral process from the jaundiced lenses of a one-day Election Day dash. An election is not a one-day dash but a series of interconnected events.

“In Kanhiyalal Omar v. R.K. Trivedi & Others103 and Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms & Another104, the Supreme Court of India, for example, stated that the word ‘election’ is used in a wide sense to include the entire process of election which consists of several stages and it embraces many steps, some of which may have an important bearing on the result of the process.

These stages include voter registration; political party and candidate registration; the allocation of state resources and access to media; campaign activities; and the vote, count, tabulation and declaration of results. Lady Justice Georgina Wood, the former Chief Justice of Ghana, made the same point and added other stages when she stated: “The electoral process is not confined to the casting of votes on an election day and the subsequent declaration of election results thereafter.

There are series of other processes, such as the demarcation of the country into constituencies, registration of qualified voters, registration of political parties, the organisation of the whole polling system to manage and conduct the elections ending up with the declaration of results and so on.” And according to the European Human Rights Committee, the process also includes the right to challenge the election results in a court of law or other tribunal.”

In the Kenyan case of Karanja Kabage v. Joseph Kiuna Kariambegu Nganga & 2 Others, the High Court stated that “an election is an elaborate process that begins with registration of voters, nomination of candidates to the actual electoral offices, voting or counting and tallying of votes and finally declaration of the winner by Gazettement. In determining the question of the validity of the election of a candidate, the court is bound to examine the entire process up to the declaration of results… The concept of free and fair elections is expressed not only on the voting day but throughout the election process…

Any non-compliance with the law regulating these processes would affect the validity of the election of the Member of Parliament.”

It is therefore clear that the electoral management body and all the critical stakeholders in the electoral process have an obligation to conduct an election in “a simple, accurate, verifiable, secure, accountable and transparent manner” and this process encompasses all the stages of an electoral cycle. I agree that some decisions emanating from some Election Petitions Tribunals and the courts can hardly be justified. Some of the decisions are not only bizarre but smacks of disrespect to the electorate that trooped out to cast their votes believing that ultimately their votes will be the determinant of who is elected to represent them.

But as with all aspects of human endeavour, nobody can claim omnipotence. All are prone to mistakes but when such mistakes are deliberately contrived, it becomes problematic and the people are entitled to complain.

Unfortunately, it is the bad decisions of some of our courts and tribunals that are given prominence and the seminal and ground-breaking ones are hardly celebrated. I am forced to return to the issue of mandate usurpation because we are fast approaching what may appear to be a frenzied electoral period and the National Assembly appears to be the leading institution that may trigger a big judicial contest.

is also clear to me that we may have a deluge of pre-election disputes in a season when we are yet to conclude alteration to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to provide timelines for the conclusion of pre-election disputes.

It is also clear to me that we are still under the illusion that there can ever be a second election in Nigeria and that presidential elections must always be conclusive on the first ballot and based on that we have refused to make a determination whether the electoral management body, the security agencies and the critical stakeholders in the electoral process have the capacity to reverse its logistics and prepare on time to conduct such a second election within a period of seven days of the declaration of the inconclusive election.

It is also clear that with the dominance of two political parties in Nigeria and the realignment, repositioning and cross carpeting that may likely take place before the election, candidates and political parties may be desperate to win the 2019 elections and in the process may engage in unwholesome activities.

Therefore, the court and the Election Petitions Tribunals are part of the electoral process and have been constitutionally and legally primed to assist political parties and candidates maintain electoral integrity and retrieve illegally and unconstitutionally acquired mandate.

The courts and the tribunals are part of the electoral process and their mandate and the limits of their mandate have been constitutionally defined and delineated. One thing is clear, the courts and the Election Petitions Tribunals do not hustle for cases and petitions. The courts and the Election Petitions Tribunals remain dormant and inactive unless an aspirant, a candidate, a political party or an individual approaches with a suit or petition and activates their jurisdiction.

This must of necessity be so because sovereignty belongs to the people and it is the responsibility of the people to elect those that will govern them and when hustlers, electoral merchants and entrepreneurs undermine the will of the people, the people are entitled to a mechanism of redress.

As the Tanzanian High Court stated in the old case of Madundo v. Mweshemi & A-G Mwanza71: “An election petition is a more serious matter and has wider implications than an ordinary civil suit. What is involved is not merely the right of the petitioner to a fair election but the right of the voters to non-interference with their already cast votes i.e. their decision without satisfactory reasons.”

We must brace up for more litigation relating to the 2019 election. We must determine whose responsibility it is to sequence the order of elections and this determination may likely be made by the courts. I have looked at items 14 and 15 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria relating to the powers of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to fix the order of elections.

The constitution gives the commission the power to organise, undertake and supervise certain category of elections. My understanding is that to organise includes and encompasses to put in order, arrange, classify, categories, fix and make plans for the conduct of an election.

Therefore, the power to fix and classify and order the sequence of elections cannot be taken away from INEC without constitutional alteration. But the National Assembly as the constitutionally ordained lawmaking institution feels otherwise.

The stage is therefore set for a battle of wits between the National Assembly and the forces that see the reordering of the elections as unconstitutional and or meant to give undue advantage to members of the National Assembly. I am also convinced that the courts will be called upon to adjudicate on many pre-elections matters and matters bothering on the interpretation of the constitution culminating in petitions to the election petitions tribunals. Our plea is that the political parties should put their house in order and play by the rules and free the courts to concentrate on other aspects of human endeavour.

All the critical stakeholders should endeavour to assist in the conduct of election that is “simple, accurate, verifiable, secure, accountable and transparent manner” and the courts and the tribunals will not have cause to intervene and or interfere in affirming or nullifying such an election.

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Tinubu: A note to the Re-conciliator-in-Chief



Politics is such an interesting engagement. It accommodates all manner of behaviour; the good, the bad and the ugly. It is a field where all categories of players are recruited to participate. It is called all-inclusive because it is a game for all, old and young.

It is a game of contradictions and varying possibilities. It is a game where the summations are often not accurate. I have stated elsewhere that in politics, truth is a sacrilege and morality is a sin. You can’t preach truth and honesty in politics and get the pre-determined outcome.

In fact, the more your act of circumventing processes and procedures, the better you are celebrated as someone who possesses political savvy. In fact, you will be called several sobriquets; “Mr. Fix it”, “the Enforcer”, “the political Iroko”, “the ultimate masquerade”, “the conqueror” and many other names that conjure some mystical aloofness.

Just consider this funny side of politics. Last week, I read in the news a statement credited to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu where he advisedly told IBB and OBJ to enjoy their retirement and be collecting their pensions.

At first, I thought he was being quoted out of context because if anything, that advice should serve President Muhammadu Buhari better like a well prepared a la carte. PMB and IBB are almost age mates going by official records and I thought as a reconciliator-in-chief, he should be bold to remind PMB that his time is also up, he should join his colleagues of pensioners to echo the rhythms of retirement. Once given this onerous assignment unilaterally, I had thought Asiwaju would display his characteristic boldness by pointedly telling PMB to go into retirement. IBB and OBJ are already in retirement.

At 70, seven years ago, IBB formally sang the songs of goodbye to partisan politics; reason why chieftains of all political parties consult with him at different times for political endorsement and perspectives. At 75, Nigeria’s chief executive who recruited Asiwaju recently is still making all the moves to seek a second term.

He hasn’t spoken like the late Abacha political diadem, but all signs and signals are pointing in the direction of a second term; not with the vocality of his appointees including the SGF to press home that creed.

As a reconciliator-in-chief, Asiwaju Tinubu has enormous but simple responsibility to dispense with, reason being that he was part and parcel of the initial problems that took the party to different directions after the electoral victory in 2015.

First, APC just like any other political party, is an amalgam of strange bedfellows and parties that deliberately swallowed the phlegm of their idiosyncrasies and ideologies to cohabit a platform for the sole purpose of defeating a lacklustre Goodluck Jonathan presidency. Having won the election, instead of the party calling an elaborate meeting to take far-reaching decisions on power distribution and sharing, every political formation that was part of the merger struggled for political control.

PMB suddenly became elusive. He ignored the party and searched endlessly for his cabinet members for six months and finally came up with a list that was not pro-APC. A lot of those who made the list were persons who were not contributors to the APC victory.

How much a President Buhari can be trusted by a Tinubu remains a matter of conjecture. The second leg of the inertia and internal squabble was the politics of the National Assembly which created its own schisms because certain persons were seen as natural candidates for the principal positions of the parliament.

The tussle between Senator Saraki and Senator Lawan on the one hand and that of Dogara and Gbajabiamila on the other hand was the initial muscle-flexing political drudgery that almost polarized the party. A reticent PMB kept mute, and distanced the presidency from the political horse-trading and gerrymandering. The party was torn between two dominant political heavyweights: Saraki and Tinubu.

While the struggle lasted, tempers were high, nocturnal meetings were held, signatures were collected, unity lists were freely displayed, but both candidates of Tinubu, namely Femi Gbajabiamila and Senator Lawan, lost out in what seemed like a democratic coup d’état between members of the same party.

Because the leadership of the party was weak, the party couldn’t stamp its authority other than to watch with helpless awe as the tidal waves almost wrecked the sail. After the initial anger of Tinubu, he took a deserved rest and holidayed abroad in order to re-strategize for the future.

What people will not tell Tinubu is the fact that he is part of the problem of the APC. There are those who will never trust Tinubu no matter how much they smile and laugh in public with him.

They believe rightly or wrongly that Tinubu cannot be trusted to strike any concrete political deal with, and that when push comes to shove, he would capitulate. There are others who distaste his appetite for raw power, saying why must it be him alone.

The choice of the VP becomes an easy reference and why he wanted to control the National Assembly through his candidates formed part of why it was a fight to finish amongst those who eventually got the positions.

There are yet others who feel Asiwaju Tinubu must have struck a deal with PMB for his sudden turnaround to become the arrowhead of a deliberate plan to reconcile the party in preparation for the 2019 elections.

Some really want to know what that deal is, before they cave into the reconciliatory gambit. The rumoured presidential ambition of Tinubu in 2023 some say, might be the motivation for this new job.

In the light of the above, Tinubu must first and foremost reconcile himself with the party. He must put the cards on the table and try to convince the various factors and persons what the real issues are.

Even his unilateral appointment by President Buhari conveys its own kettle of fish. In the real sense, the party ought to realise that it deserves some measure of reconciliation and would have called a National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting where it will form an item on the agenda. Having deliberated on the need for reconciliation across board, a reconciliation committee will be set up and could possibly be chaired by Asiwaju Tinubu.

This unilateral decision by the president to appoint a sole individual as chief reconciliator is fraught with problems. Some highly placed chieftains of the party are just sitting back watching with unvoiced interest, how far Asiwaju can go.

They reason why the president would narrow the assignment to him alone, as if he alone represents the sole conscience of the party when in actual sense, his earlier desire to control the power was part of the reason why the party went over the bar.

Those categories of persons would give Asiwaju audience. They will listen to him. They will swallow his message, but once he departs, they will vomit what they have swallowed and get back to their normal selves. In the months ahead, expectedly there will be movements across parties. Smaller groups will be formed within bigger groups.

Different groups will scout for new alliances. New alliances will try to expand their frontiers to gain some in-road into the political architecture of the country. Horse-trading, manipulations and gerrymandering will be deployed to maximum advantage. Cross carpeting will happen as individuals would try to funnel their political route towards 2019. Asiwaju Tinubu is no doubt not a new comer in the politics of Nigeria, but there are those who understand his motives too well when the tempo of politics gets to a particular crescendo.

His capacity for reaching out is equally legendary, but whether people will trust his motive this time will be another kettle of fish. As someone who invested so much of his political capital into making the merger possible, no one can deny him his rightful place as one of the formidable leaders of the APC. But to embark on this journey of reconciliation alone might be an uphill task.

The only difference might be in Asiwaju’s capacity for striking at gold anytime he feels the urge to make an impression. Traveling from the North to the South, East to the West meeting APC stalwarts could be energy-sapping and quite challenging, but the coming months would unveil a set of variables that would prove the success or otherwise of this latest effort to reposition a party that has been firing its salvos in different directions. The clock is ticking.

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Naira as trade currency



Unexpectedly the cheering news filtered in as the United Kingdom announced its preparedness to include the Naira as one of three currencies in West Africa to be accepted for trade transactions by the British Government. Specifically, this information was released by no other than Paul Arkwright, the British High Commissioner to Nigeria.

He explained that the UK Export Finance (UKEF) will now be able to provide loan guarantees through local banks in Naira to support Nigerian businesses procuring goods and services from the UK as a practical measure to underwrite increased business between the two countries. This scheme we were told would be restricted to dealings with UK businesses that have given their consent to accept payment in Naira effectively underwriting the exchange risks inherent in such transactions.

The maximum funding by way of guarantee that could be attracted under the scheme is 85% of project costs and the only condition precedent is that the transaction would have a minimum 20% British content. It was also indicated that a sum of 750 million Pounds Sterling had been earmarked by UKEF for the take-off of the scheme. And opinion has been canvassed that with guaranteed long tenure credits at low interest rates for quality British products and services makes this proposition very competitive and attractive.

As should be expected even before this measure had been fully digested and understood, compatriots had as has been the case with us adorned their full garment of scepticism. I was involved in arguments on two vibrant WhatsApp platforms on the full implications of this development for the Nigerian economy. And was privileged to have granted online interview to Radio Nigeria on the implications of this development for the Nigerian economy which was carried on their network service.

There has been fears expressed to the effect that this liberalization would worsen the trade imbalance between Nigeria and Britain which had traditionally been in favour of Britain, to questions raised regarding how the accumulated trade balances in Naira which it was feared could be humongous would be settled by the Central Bank in which case if we are not careful we might have on our hands a cure worse than the disease; to issues regarding logically how the rate of exchange to be adopted for the determination of the Naira equivalent of the deals would be determined to the rate of interest to be charged on the transactions; to even what impact this development or rather to what extent it would impact the exchange rate of the Naira.

No doubt we should suspend wild celebrations until the full details of the proposed scheme are made known as counselled by the saying that the enemy is often in the details. But my well-considered position is that this development is wholesome and salutary for the Nigerian economy as it at once commences the process of conferring on the Naira the status of a tradable currency with the many advantages pertaining thereto. Most certainly this development if nothing else should at least reduce the dollar demand pressure on the economy thereby firming up the Naira exchange rate.

And as has been explained above some of the more than five hundred British companies that do business in Nigeria have accepted to absorb the exchange risks. And therefore any involvement of the Central Bank in this matter should be limited to ensuring that extant guidelines on such business relationships were not observed in the breach.

There will be no prize for guessing what precipitated this welcome change in policy. Britain following the reality of Brexit which denies the country the advantages of a large common market with its associated benefits particularly as it relates to the economy of scale has been forced to think outside the box if the growth of its economy is not going to be undermined with the negative potential of such a development for the quality of life of the average British.

And as a result of this thinking the need to boost bilateral trade relations particularly with countries with large markets and shared historic ties became inevitable hence this development which in our opinion as already explained is considered most welcome and salutary.

What this development portends for Nigerian businesses is that with a viable business proposal sourcing funding from their banks for doing business with British companies is made so much easier as the guarantee is in place and similarly exchange rate risks will no longer pose an inhibiting constraint. Why should Nigeria celebrate this development? The reality of the Nigerian economy is that it is still overly dependent on the external sector despite all the several efforts and attempts made over a fairly long period now notably commencing from the Babangida Structural Adjustment Programme of 1986.

The fact remains that all the policy measures needed for the attainment of the diversification of the Nigerian economy were well documented under this programme. But what has been the bull in the China shop with regard to inability to register commensurate progress has been the country’s poor record when it comes to implementing adopted policies. And the economy on the other hand being mono cultural; dependent on the oil sector for upwards of 85% of foreign exchange income clearly highlights the precariousness and vulnerability of the economy. Most certainly some progress has been recorded by this administration to blunt the sharp thrust of this situation on the economic jugular of the economy.

Some of the recent landmark developments that have contributed considerably to the reduction of the vulnerabilities of the Nigerian economy worth celebrating would most certainly include the effectiveness of the Investor, Exporters (I&E) window for the autonomous inflow of foreign exchange into the economy.

The success in this regard in effect means that we do not have to spend only what dollars we have directly earned. There are also developments with the agricultural sector where the country is targeting self-sufficiency in the not too distant future in rice production and other deliverables.

And with the success recorded under the fiscal regime with the rapid and massive augmentation of tax revenue which is being positively impacted by the VAIDS scheme currently under intense publicity and the unprecedented boost in fiscal flows through more focused, aggressive, transparent returns to the treasury by most revenue collection agencies of government, we must admit in all honesty that we have just commenced witnessing the glimmering of the return of a robust economy.

The government has projected a growth rate of 3.5% for the Nigerian economy in 2018 and all the other relevant agencies have followed suit with various levels of positive GDP growth predictions during the year. But in spite of such major strides being recorded, the acceptance of Naira as a trading currency by the British Government with its potential ripple effect, is yet another success milestone which we are convinced that as the details are being finalized would most certainly give a fillip to the growth prospects of the Nigerian economy.


•Dr. Chizea is a financial expert.

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The futile attempt by rented miscreants to dance on the sacred grave of Gani Fawehinmi (4)




Last week, I could not discuss much on the above subject because of some other pressing national issues I dealt with. Today, I shall continue on how Gani fought tyranny and dictatorship across the length and breadth of Nigeria, using the law as an instrument of social engineering. He defended all, whether rich or poor, “corrupt” or “clean”, mighty or low, private persons or public servants. I will not allow the reprobates and malefactors to rewrite history.




I recalled to the audience that in fighting tyranny and oppression, Gani in 1984 (during General Muhammadu Buhari’s military junta), defied the NBA (for which he was initially blacklisted and his name entered in the roll of dishonor by the NBA, which later recanted), Consequently, Gani led me and others to defend Colonel Peter Obasa, Chief Kila, Dikko, Udoka, etc, who were accused of corruption and misappropriation of public funds. More on this later. I told the audience how I later founded the Universal Defenders of Democracy (UDD), which was launched by Justice (Dr) Akinola Aguda, in April, 1992. Hon Emeka Ihedioha, who later became Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was my Director of Publicity.


It was this platform I used in securing court injunction against the detention of the “Kuje 5” (Gani, Beko Ransome Kuti, Falana, Baba Omojola and Segun Maiyegun). I also used UDD to stop the execution of General Zamani Lekwot, who had been sentenced to death by a special Military Tribunal set up under the IBB military junta, over the Zagon Kataf crisis.

I never knew General Lekwot. I met him for the first time at the 2014 National Conference where we were both delegates. I was later to co-found the Joint Action Committee of Nigeria (JACON), with Chief Gani Fawehinmi and other leading lights in the pro-democracy movement. Gani was unanimously elected the National Chairman of JACM. I was elected the National Vice Chairman, Publicity and Publications. It was this platform that we used to finally push out the military junta in 1999. It was tough. But, we did it.


At the risk of our youthful lives. Where were these blackmailers when we were fighting for the heart and soul of the Nigerian nation?



The answer is a loud yes.

Gani defended many people who were accused of corruption, embezzlement of public funds, etc. I will show these anon.


That did not mean that he was defending corruption. Gani had, during his life time, exhibited his admirable legal wits during numerous encounters in the courts with the best lawyers in Nigeria.

One of such epochal cases in which he appeared is recorded as Gani Fawehinmi vs NBA (1). In this case, Fawehinmi had dragged the NBA to court in 1984 over the Association’s decision, directing lawyers to boycott the Special Military Tribunals (SMT), established by the General Buhari military regime.

To the Ondo-born late activist per excellence, he had a constitutional right and duty to defend any client who hired his services.

As a result, he openly shunned the NBA’s order at a press conference and appeared for his client, Col. Peter Obasa (rtd), a former DG, NYSC, and his Deputy, Chief Kila, then standing trial before the Special Military Tribunal set up by General Muhammadu Buhari in 1984.


Distinctly defiant, Gani subsequently instituted an action against the NBA, the General Council of the Bar (GCB) and three Elders of the Bar, Chief F.R.A Williams, Mr. Kehinde Sofola and Chief E.A Molajo, all of blessed memory, over his blacklisting for daring to appear before the military tribunals to defend so called corrupt clients.


(To be continued next week).




Nigeria is such a comical country. South Africa has been busy teaching the world democracy, by bowing to the superior power of a political party, ANC (African National Congress), to force out its sitting president,


Jacob Zuma, which it replaced with his Deputy, Cyril Ramaphosa. The same thing had happened in 2008 when the ANC replaced President Thambo Mbeki with his then Vice president, Zuma, after forcing him out. Both cases were anchored on proven cases of corruption; not on simulated and orchestrated media corruption trials. Fastrack to my dear country, Nigeria.

Nigerians are daily regaled with bizarre and eerie tales from Arabian nights (that will torpedo Ali Baba and the 40 thieves). One of such quirky and freakish fictions is the N36 Million snake-swallowing anecdote the country was entertained with last week.

A sales clerk at the JAMB office in Makurdi, by name Philomina Chieshe, had, during a team of auditors’ visit, told a bewildered nation that she could not account for N36 million made in previous years before the abolition of the scratch card system of paying money.


She claimed she was one of the four sales clerks attached to JAMB office, Makurdi, whose responsibility was to sell scratch cards to candidates and not to handle revenue. Handling of revenue was the responsibility of one Joan Asen, she narrated. Hear more of her weird story: “It was a mystery to me too. I have been saving the money in the bank, but I found it difficult to account for it.


So I started saving it in a vault in the office. But each time I open the vault, I will find nothing. I became worried and surprised how the millions of naira could be disappearing from the vault.

“I began to interrogate everybody in the house and office, and no one could agree on what might have happened to the money. I continued to press until my housemaid confessed. She said that the money disappeared “spiritually”. She said that a “mysterious snake” sneaked into the house and swallowed the money in the vault.” A  snake swallowing money?


Haba! We have already heard of the outlandish story of rats taking over the seat of power for some months. Very soon, as 2019 approaches, we may hear odd and strange fabrications about lizards swallowing up ballot papers; of domestic fouls swallowing up ballot boxes; of goats swallowing up card readers! I hope we will not wake up one day to hear of wall geckos swallowing up our foreign reserves!! Nigeria, we hail thee!



Some Nigerians worship mediocrity, clownery and buffoonery.

Jacob Zuma was so corrupt and so hated by his country men and women whom he had governed for nine years that the South Africans forced him to resign prematurely before the end of his second term.


But, in Nigeria here, Zuma has a statue erected in the heart of Owerri, Imo State capital, standing in all its splendor and imperioriousness, for his “exemplary leadership and contribution to society”. Can’t our leaders see that we are fast becoming the butt of jokes, mockery, skylarking, jesting, obloquy and derision across Africa?




The unrestrained orgy of violence and unprovoked cold blooded slaughter goes on cross Nigeria, as 41 people were brutally massacred on Valentine’s Day under gory and horrendous circumstances.

This heartless blood – letting by organized bandits happened in the sleepy agrarian village of Birane, in Zurmi LGA of Zamfara State. Only last November, gunmen had invaded and torched dozens of houses in Shinkafi LGA of the same Zamfara State, killing 24 people in the process.

Section 14 of the Nigerian Constitution provides that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government”. Nigerians are asking if we still have real governance in place, or if all we do now is politicks and politicking.

We are screaming 2019 when we are in a deep security quagmire and economic cesspool. All we now hear and read of everyday is death, killings, arson, kidnapping, invasion, slaughtering. Gosh!



“Defender of the liberty that I idolize, myself more free than anyone, in coming as a friend to offer my services to this intriguing republic, I bring to it only my frankness and my goodwill; no ambition, no self-interest; in working for my glory, I work for their happiness”. (Marquis de Lafayette).



Hope Nigerians are reading, digesting and awaiting the next exploring discourse of Sunday Sermon on the Mount of the Nigerian Project by Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, OFR, FCIArb, Ph.D, LL.D?

• Follow me on twitter @ MikeozekhomeSAN

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